This Land, Our Land

Slowly, quietly, beyond the glare of the TV lights, Canada's newest province is taking shape.

 From Coppermine to Iqaluit, the Inuit of Canada's eastern Arctic are preparing for a future that will shake off the residual bonds of colonial administration and forge what many believe will be a very different relationship with the rest of Canada. With the impending settlement of the Tungavik Federation of Nunavut land claim has come a renewed call for division of the Northwest Territories and the establishment of a new political entity-Nunavut, the Inuit homeland.

 In November 1990, the Canadian Arctic Resources Committee and the Tungavik Federation of Nunavut co-hosted a one-day workshop in Ottawa on the state of self-government in the eastern Arctic. More than 100 individuals, representing federal and territorial governments, aboriginal organizations, and non-governmental groups, debated the issues yet unresolved and sought to identify means by which to turn the statements of the past two decades into action.

In the hearts and minds of Inuit, Nunavut has always been. Thus it is that musing on the "creation" of Nunavut can seem out of step with the northern reality. More relevant is the question of whether Canada will prove gracious enough to accept the longstanding offer of Inuit to become full partners in Confederation. As former N.W.T. commissioner and federal Cabinet secretary Gordon Robertson has noted, Nunavut would be not only self-government but total government, an opportunity for Canadians to witness firsthand the ability of native people to Rick Van Loon indicated that the Government of Canada take charge of their future.

 The covetousness that has marked federal-provincial relations in recent times has engendered a kind of "finite federalism" and hindered constitutional innovation. Aspirants to political self-determination can perhaps be forgiven for turning their backs on the status quo and seeking alternative models more responsive to the particular needs of their regions or communities. Northerners themselves have been coy about provincial aspirations, preferring the gradual accumulation of administrative powers through the parallel processes of land claims negotiations and devolution.

 But while they may characterize the current federal arrangement as an exclusive club and eschew provincehood as an untenable option for the coming era, the notion of provincehood has never been far removed from their thinking. From the federal perspective, senior DIAND spokesman now views northern political development as a national issue and the creation of Nunavut as the first step toward provincial status.

Nunavut will have to become a national issue, but therein lie risks as well as benefits. Should the issue become a political football, beset by petty politics rather than guided by the bolder vision of a vibrant Canada, Nunavut may well remain a dream. One need look no further than last summer to be reminded that "done deals" can quickly melt in the glare of "national" attention.

 Nunavut-indeed, Northern constitutional development more generally-provides Canada with the chance to redefine itself...As CARC Chairman Ron Doering and TFN President Paul Quassa note, Nunavut is an idea whose time has come. Nunavut offers the people of the eastern Arctic a challenge and Canadians an opportunity-an opportunity to complete the process of nation building in Canada's North.